thepeoplesrecord:

On this day in 1972, 4,000 garment workers (mostly Chicana workers) go on strike at Farah Manufacturing Co. in El Paso, Texas. They demanded union recognition and better working conditions. At the time they were making $1.70/hour starting pay with no maternity benefits. 
Read more on the strike here.
I recently began an working with a few EP social justice orgs, such as La Mujer Obrera, Sin Fronteras, SURCO community farms & El Centro de los Trabajadores Fronterizos, which all have involvement from Farah strikers, who are have continued to organize workers along the borderland. They’ve created crucial organizations that have come to be the backbone of a lot of neighborhoods in south El Paso, as they have produced quality jobs, community resource centers, cultural libraries & workers cooperatives, along with a network of community farms that are working to provide food sovereignty for the area. 
+ fun fact: The city is opening the Fountains at Farah, a luxury shopping area where the factory used to be this October. 

thepeoplesrecord:

On this day in 1972, 4,000 garment workers (mostly Chicana workers) go on strike at Farah Manufacturing Co. in El Paso, Texas. They demanded union recognition and better working conditions. At the time they were making $1.70/hour starting pay with no maternity benefits. 

Read more on the strike here.

I recently began an working with a few EP social justice orgs, such as La Mujer Obrera, Sin Fronteras, SURCO community farms & El Centro de los Trabajadores Fronterizos, which all have involvement from Farah strikers, who are have continued to organize workers along the borderland. They’ve created crucial organizations that have come to be the backbone of a lot of neighborhoods in south El Paso, as they have produced quality jobs, community resource centers, cultural libraries & workers cooperatives, along with a network of community farms that are working to provide food sovereignty for the area. 

+ fun fact: The city is opening the Fountains at Farah, a luxury shopping area where the factory used to be this October. 

On Audre Lorde’s Legacy and the “Self” of Self-Care, Part 2 of 3

lowendtheory:

image

[Image: from the Black Community Survival Conference, DeFremery (locally known as Lil’ Bobby Hutton) Park, Oakland, CA, March 29, 1972. I first encountered this image via Alondra Nelson’s brilliant book Body and Soul: The Black Panther Party and the Fight Against Medical Discrimination.]

“If I were president, I would solve this so-called welfare crisis in a minute and go a long way toward liberating every woman. I’d just issue a proclamation that ‘women’s’ work is real work.”
- Johnnie Tillmon, “Welfare as a Women’s Issue.”

 ”The modern world hates to see black folks resting.”
- Lewis Gordon, “African American Philosophy, Race, and the Geography of Reason.”

Part One here.

This post is an experiment. It attempts to find a new route to the question of what it means to politicize Audre Lorde’s legacy.  Its search is partly in response to what I described in part 1 as the tendency in some cases to deify Lorde by extracting her from the political context in which she lived, or by reducing her to a set of pithy (if brilliant) quotations, or by invoking her as an unqualified paragon of black women’s resilience.  In attempting to route the conversation differently, my strategy is to try and glimpse Lorde through an archive that is not of her published writings but of a set of struggles and contexts that affirm dimensions of her humanity and her work that are too rarely emphasized—her struggles with health and wellness, her status as worker, her vulnerability to the very discourses that demand that she be seen as powerful.  Doing this means following a route that may, to some, seem rather circuitous.  I can only hope that by the end, those divergences will make some sense.

Read More

On Audre Lorde’s Legacy and the “Self” of Self-Care, Part 1 of 3

lowendtheory:

image 

[Please do not be that ass who reblogs this image and deletes the text below.]

Update: Part Two here.

We’re still learning to read Audre Lorde, who should have been 79 today. We’re still learning to become the collectivity, the “we,” that would make reading Audre Lorde possible. The Audre Lorde that I think is especially worth reading is not the Audre Lorde that reads like a bumper sticker.  Nor is it the Audre Lorde that settles the score, once and for all, the Audre Lorde who puts the full stop on the conversations we’ve needed to have before we’ve had them.  The Audre Lorde I’m interested in is perhaps too queer to set things straight for us politically.  Which also means that it’s also not the Audre Lorde who exists as an alibi.  The Audre Lorde that’s most interesting to me is the Audre Lorde who is a complex, often contradictory historical figure, a figure whose brilliance resides not in her individual insight but in her capacity to creatively animate and inhabit the very contradictions in which she lived.  It is that kind of brilliance that makes her A. Lorde and not, well, a Lord; that is, not a god-like figure whose authority is to be deferred to once and for all, but someone whose life and work provide an rich world of problems, questions, and ideas worth thinking with, borrowing from, confronting, and, of course, disagreeing with.  I’m interested in claiming Audre Lorde as a human. Which is to say that in many ways, she was not, ultimately, that much unlike you or me.  Even in her radical difference.  Even because of it.

Read More

The deteriorating quality of public transportation doesn’t date from the current crisis. Attacks and destruction of public transportation will in my opinion be part of crisis activity in the next insurrections. Quite simply because time spent in transportation is unpaid work time and because there is no reason why public transportation, the link between suburbs and factories or offices, should be spared when suburbs and workplaces are not. Finally, because being crammed into trains is a humiliation proletarians experience twice a day. One way in which class confrontation manifests itself in modern cities is through action rejecting public transportation. By challenging being shuttled between work and home, the proletarian attacks a fundamental division of activity. And indeed, overcoming the separation between work and leisure, between social life and private life, between production and consumption is a fundamental moment in the communist revolution.
Crisis Activity and Communization, Bruno Astarian (via trillsubsumption)
newhopecity:

City Storm

newhopecity:

City Storm

The welfare-rights movement was a women’s liberation movement, as much a part of the revival of feminism as NOW, abortion-rights struggles, and affirmative-action demands. That it has not been viewed that way results from a racism that takes white feminism to be the paradigm of feminism, a sexism that allows male grievances to represent a class and race paradigm, and a youth bias that associates the social movements of the 1960s with the young and unencumbered. To understand welfare rights correctly, it is necessary to examine the aspirations of its participants as adult women and mothers. In making this argument I am not diminishing by one iota the degree to which the welfare-rights movement was a black movement, a part of the civil rights militancy which in turn stimulated a New Left. I am calling attention to the particular importance of women and women’s issues in that black militancy.
Linda Gordon, What Does Welfare Regulate? (via wordswillnever)
trillsubsumption:

seen in oakland february 2013

trillsubsumption:

seen in oakland february 2013

pugsnpuns:

fuckyeahfeminists:

thepleasureofthesierramadre:

vicemag:

40-Year-Old American Bombs from the Laotian Secret War Still Cause Two Casualties a Week

Every day, Manixia Thor and her team of 20 women wake up knowing the jobs they have to go to could get them blown to smithereens. Unexploded American cluster bombs could detonate at any moment as they excavate dangerous areas of Laos with their metal detectors. Since the Laotian “Secret War” ended some 40 years ago, millions of these unexploded bombs lay dormant across the country, regularly maiming children and ruining or ending the lives of the thousands who accidentally set them off.

Due to Western involvement in foreign coup d’états, alleged third-party funding of rebel uprisings, and diplomatic meetings behind closed doors, history has seen many wars fought in a way that could be considered secret. Few secret wars, however, laid and continue to lay siege to a native population like the Secret War in Laos—an undeclared state of conflict so brutal that it gave Laos the official title of being history’s most bombed country.

For nine years, from 1964 to 1973, the US government dropped over two million tons of cluster bombs and other heavy artillery on Laos. They did all this to help the Royal Lao Government (RLG) combat the far-left communist rebel group Pathet Lao, whose members were trying to, and eventually succeeded in, overthrowing them and taking control of the country.

Continue

there’s a really good documentary from a few years back about this called “bomb harvest”

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Proposals and Abstracts due today for LIES!

SALUTATIONS

today is the deadline for proposals and abstracts for LIES vol II.

we look forward to seeing yours, please send it along to here: liesjournal (at) gmail.

love

LIES

submissions by April 15th

We’ve extended the deadline for submission of abstracts/proposals (the more detailed the better!) on the following topics to April 15th:

  • militant, anti-statist analysis of: struggles (past + present) for and against abortion and/or state/capital control over reproduction, in the US and/or beyond. especially interested in explorations into the experiences of trans*/gender-non-conforming people, people of color, queer people, poor people.

  • narrative or analysis about recent uprisings against rape in India - we are most interested in hearing from someone who was there, or has direct ties with people there.

  • engagements with transfeminist theory and struggle; explorations of the horizon of anti-essentialist gender struggle - what’s new, what’s old, what’s happening?

  • work on indigenous struggles, theory, praxis, from a feminist, militant, anti-capitalist perspective.

  • thoughts on race and gender from a communizationist perspective; or communizationist approaches to recent struggles that center gender and race as well as class; and/or queering communization.

email them to us at: liesjournal (at) gmail.com